台灣閩南語疑問詞的認可
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2014
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Abstract
本論文研究台灣閩南語中疑問詞的認可，並旁及國語、英語的相關現象。
台灣閩南語的疑問詞如: siáⁿ-mi̍h、 siáng， 既是否定連用詞，同時也是不定名詞組 (indefinite NP)。與典型否定連用詞jīm-hô不一樣的是，這些疑問詞含有變項 (variable)，需要被一個運符約束。
一般來說，否定詞是否定連用詞共同的認可語。然而對疑問詞而言，否定詞需與義務性情態詞 (deontic modal)或是表達完成面向(completive)的時貌(aspect)才能認可。在不是否定的情況下，本研究發現認知情態詞 (epistemic modal) 以及非事實性動詞(non-factive verb)可以為認可語。
本論文亦從句法角度探討疑問詞的認可語境，並發現認可語c統制的必要性。當涉及長距離認可時，本論文主張疑問詞無論在表層結構亦或是邏輯結構都沒有移位，只要滿足被認可語c統制的條件即可。
當存在性認可語 (existential licenser) 與疑問性認可語 (interrogative licenser) 並存時，疑問詞與疑問性認可語 (interrogative licenser)的連結比存在性認可語 (existential licenser)還要來得強勢。
除了疑問詞之外，本論文亦探討典型否定連用詞jīm-hô的認可語境。與疑問詞不同，認知情態詞 (epistemic modal) 以及非事實性動詞 (non-factive verb)並非jīm-hô 的認可語。在分析jīm-hô的長距離認可後，本論文發現上層子句的否定語並非認可語，與jīm-hô同一子句的向下蘊含 (downward entailing) 才是真正認可jīm-hô的認可語，也就是說認可必須是在同一子句內。
This thesis aims to provide an account for the licensing contexts of wh-words in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM) within the GB framework. The present study argues that existential wh-words are not typical Negative Polarity Items (NPI). Negation is the universal licenser of NPIs. However, the licensing of wh-words by a negation is not as straightforward as that of typical NPIs. It is proposed that negation needs to be combined with a deontic modal or an aspect [+completive] to be the licenser of wh-words. An epistemic modal alone and non-factive verbs can license wh-words as well. As for long-distance licensing, the current study proves that there is no movement of wh-words in LF. As long as the c-command requirement is met, the existential wh-words are acceptable. Minimality is considered when an interrogative licenser and an existential licenser co-exist. I draw the conclusion that the linking of an interrogative licenser with wh-words is stronger than that of an existential licenser with wh-words. Finally, the licensing context of jīm-hô ‘any’ in TSM is also analyzed to provide a more comprehensive contrast between jīm-hô ‘any’, a typical NPI, and a wh-word, an atypical NPI. Epistemic modals and non-factive verbs cannot license jīm-hô ‘any’ as opposed to wh-words in TSM. In cases where a superordinate negation seems to license jīm-hô ‘any’, the licenser is not the negation but downward entailing implied in the same clause with jīm-hô ‘any’.
This thesis aims to provide an account for the licensing contexts of wh-words in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM) within the GB framework. The present study argues that existential wh-words are not typical Negative Polarity Items (NPI). Negation is the universal licenser of NPIs. However, the licensing of wh-words by a negation is not as straightforward as that of typical NPIs. It is proposed that negation needs to be combined with a deontic modal or an aspect [+completive] to be the licenser of wh-words. An epistemic modal alone and non-factive verbs can license wh-words as well. As for long-distance licensing, the current study proves that there is no movement of wh-words in LF. As long as the c-command requirement is met, the existential wh-words are acceptable. Minimality is considered when an interrogative licenser and an existential licenser co-exist. I draw the conclusion that the linking of an interrogative licenser with wh-words is stronger than that of an existential licenser with wh-words. Finally, the licensing context of jīm-hô ‘any’ in TSM is also analyzed to provide a more comprehensive contrast between jīm-hô ‘any’, a typical NPI, and a wh-word, an atypical NPI. Epistemic modals and non-factive verbs cannot license jīm-hô ‘any’ as opposed to wh-words in TSM. In cases where a superordinate negation seems to license jīm-hô ‘any’, the licenser is not the negation but downward entailing implied in the same clause with jīm-hô ‘any’.
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疑問詞, 否定連用詞, 認可語, 認知情態詞, 非事實性動詞, 義務性情態詞, wh-words, Negative Polarity Items (NPI), licenser, epistemic modal, non-factive verb, deontic verb