高雄市後期中等教育學生 政治社會化與政黨認同之研究

Abstract

政黨認同是個人對一個政黨所存在的一種歸屬感及心理認同，形成於政治社會化的過程中，它是政治態度與選舉投票研究中，學者最重視的焦點之一。而根據政治社會化研究理論，一般咸認為子女藉由「認同」、「模仿」等學習模式，學習父母的政黨認同，因此子女的政黨認同很大部分會受到父母政黨認同的影響，而與父母政黨認同一致。 本文除想瞭解子女的政黨認同是否受父母的影響外，也想瞭解是否受到其他個人背景變項以及政治社會化機購的影響。因此，以高雄市後期中等教育學校學生為對象，藉由問卷調查研究法，探討後期中等教育學生政黨認同與個人背景變項及政治社會化機構的相關差異。 本研究獲得如下的結果： 一、 個人背景變項中就讀學校、父親籍貫、父母親學歷、父母親職業、主觀家庭社經地位、父母親政黨支持等均與家庭政治社會化有顯著差異。 二、個人背景變項中就讀學校、父母親學歷、父母親職業、主觀家庭社經地位、父母親政黨支持等均與學校政治社會化有顯著差異。 三、個人背景變項中就讀學校、父母親學歷、主觀家庭社經地位、父母親政黨支持等均與同儕團體政治社會化有顯著差異。 四、個人背景變項中就讀學校、父親學歷、父親職業、主觀家庭社經地位、父母親政黨支持等均與傳播媒體政治社會化有顯著差異。 五、個人背景變項中性別、就讀學校、父母親籍貫、父母親學歷、父親職業、主觀家庭社經地位、父母親政黨支持等均與學生政黨認同具有顯著關聯性。 六、政治社會化機構包括家庭政治社會化、學校政治社會化、同儕團體政治社會化、傳播媒體政治社會化程度均與學生政黨認同具有顯著關聯性。 本文僅以初探性的研究出發，期待透過本文之發現，使得相關研究學者能在往後研究中，更為深入瞭解個人背景變項與政治社會化機構對後期中等教育學生政黨認同之影響，更希望藉由學生政治社會化與政黨認同現況之潛藏問題，提出建議供政府相關單位、家庭、學校、傳播媒體參考。Party identification, forming during the process of political socialization, is a sense of classification and mental identity to a party of each individual. It has being paid much attention by the scholars who study the topics relative to political attitudes and the voted elections. Moreover, it has been general accepted that children learn the party identification from their parents through several learning styles such as “identification” and “imitation” according to the theory of political socialization. Therefore, children’s party identification is influential mostly by their parents’ party identification and tends to be consistent with their parents’ party identification. The purpose of this study was to answer whether the children’s party identification, in addition to being affected by their parents, had a significant correlation with personal backgrounds and institutional political socialization, using questionnaires obtained from second-year senior high school students in Kaohsiung City. The results were summarized as below: 1. There was a significant difference between personal backgrounds (under variations of senior high school studying, father’s province-born, parents’ degrees, parents’ occupations, subjective family social-economic status and parents’ preference parties) and family political socialization. 2. There was a significant difference between personal backgrounds (under variations of senior high school studying, parents’ degrees, parents’ occupations, subjective family social-economic status and parents’ preference parties) and school political socialization. 3. There was a significant difference between personal backgrounds (under variations of senior high school studying, parents’ degrees, subjective family social-economic status and parents’ preference parties) and peer political socialization. 4. There was a significant difference between personal backgrounds (under variations of senior high school studying, father’s degree, father’s occupation, subjective family social-economic status and parents’ preference parties) and media political socialization. 5. There was a significant difference between personal backgrounds (under variations of sex, senior high school studying, parents’ province-born, parents’ degrees, father’s occupation, subjective family social-economic status and parents’ preference parties) and party identification. 6. There was a significant difference between the institutional political socialization, (which includes family, school, peer and media political socialization) and party identification. In summary, although this was just a primitive study, we anticipated that these findings could provide researches a deeper understanding of the influences of the personal backgrounds and institutional political socialization on political identification in second-year senior high school students. Furthermore, we hoped to offer the perspective suggestions to government-related department, family, school and media via uncovering the current potential problems between student’s political socialization and political identification.