認同與角色：論英國外交政策與《脫歐協議》談判

Abstract

2020年1月31日英國政府依《里斯本條約》第50條脫離歐盟。曾經是歐盟三大會員國之一，英國與歐盟間的動態關係牽動了外交及內政下多項議題。本篇論文的寫作目的即是透過結合國際關係理論中建構主義及外交政策分析中的角色理論，對英國與歐盟各自在整體外交政策差異以及脫歐協商過程對特定議題所提立場提出解釋。

在建構主義學者對認同研究的基礎下，本文將歐盟所形成之集體認同區分為理想性及地緣政治性兩種價值取向不同的認同，觀察歐盟「共同外交暨安全政策」及「共同安全暨防衛政策」架構下之外交行為，進而推導出歐盟在外交上建立的柔性強權與軍事強權兩種角色。其中柔性強權角色受到區域及國際層次的支持，但軍事強權角色則尚處於塑造階段。

二戰後英國所形成的國家認同，則可由大英國協紐帶、英美特殊關係及疑歐主義等三個構成性規範來定義。英國圈國家被內化成為英國建立及延伸自我的基礎，而歐洲大陸則被視為他者，故而英國參與統合態度並不積極，且未能將歐盟共同外交暨安全政策機制視為可進一步投射國家實力的外交政策選項。檢視過去十年間英國在國際上所突顯且被接納的角色，包括維持現狀強權與自由派干預主義者等，皆透過歐盟既有架構外的機制進行建構。

英國作為主權國家所重視的自主性與歐洲統合中所注重的「團結」原則使雙方在國際層次上的外交行為展現出不同的特性，也決定了英國與歐盟在《脫歐協議》協商過程中立場上的衝突與差異。歐盟法院管轄權及人員自由流動等二項歐盟規範在英國國內社會化的過程中，因與國家認同的核心價值相衝突，而產生了適用上的爭辯。英國欲在脫歐後終止歐盟規範的社會化，並試圖提出國會主權及領土疆界兩項新生規範以強化脫歐後「主權國家」角色設定過程。

歐盟於外交政策上的角色概念受限於共同外交暨安全政策的政府間主義本質，故歐盟外交架構無法支撐英國在外交政策上所欲積極扮演之各項角色。預計英國脫歐後，仍會通過與更接近其國家認同核心的英語圈國家建立關係，來實現脫歐後「全球性英國」角色。但英國對於歐盟內部規範的實踐則不會隨著退出歐盟而立即終止。《脫歐協議》談判過程已驗證，英國難以在未取得歐盟同意下單方面提出或終止相關規範的社會化。預計後續英歐所進行之未來關係協商，亦將重現相同的模式。Pursuant to article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, the government of United Kingdom withdrew from European Union starting from January 31th of 2020. UK used to be one of the Big Three in the Union, hence the dynamic relationship between EU and UK touches upon various issues in the foreign and internal policy domains. The gist of this dissertation would be using the framework in which key ideas of Constructivism and Role theory have been integrated, to interpret the differences in overall foreign policy choices between those of UK and EU and their positions in specific issues while negotiating the Withdrawal Treaty.

Based on Constructivists’ studies about identities, the collective identities which EU formed has been categorized as idealistic and geopolitical ones in this dissertation. We can thus observe EU’s external behaviors under Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Foreign and Defence Policy (CSDP) and conclude that it forges two role conceptions: Civilian Power and Military Power. While the former has received a wide range of support in both of regional and international levels, the latter is still in the making.

The national identity that UK forged after World War Two could be defined by three constitutive norms: the bond with the Commonwealth countries, special relationship with the United States and Euroscepticism. UK has recognized countries in the Anglosphere as part of the Self, and regarded the Europe continent as the Other. This division has contributed to the fact that UK detached itself from getting more involved in the integration process and avoided using CFSP and CSDP mechanism as a valid choice to extend its diplomatic influence. If we look back to the most prominent national roles UK proposed and being well-received in the international community over the past decade, including Status-Quo Power and Liberal Interventionalist, it could be found that both roles has been built outside the current EU arrangements.

The much emphasized “autonomy” of UK as a sovereign country and the solidarity principle of EU have not only manifested themselves in each of their external behaviors, but also in the clashes of their standpoints during the withdrawal negotiation. The jurisdiction of Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and freedom of movement of people are two of the much debated norms during their socialization process in the UK, and the reason for that is these norms contradict with the core values of UK’s national identity. UK expressed its stringent position in terminating these two EU norms, and started the role-making process of Sovereign by initiating the norm emergence of parliamentary sovereignty and territorial boundary.

The role conceptions of EU at the diplomatic front has been constrained by the intergovernmentalism nature of CFSP. The CFSP framework thus failed to support the more assertive roles UK proposed. It is expected that UK will continue to pursue its post-Brexit “Global Britain” role through cultivating exchanges with Anglosphere nations. However, the socialization of the EU norms would not immediately be terminated after Brexit. The negotiation process of “Withdrawal Treaty” had revealed that UK would be not able to initiate or terminate the socialization of norms unilaterally. We have reasons to believe that the ongoing negotiation process of the future relationship between EU and UK would again validate this point.